{"id":23350,"date":"2025-05-30T07:49:05","date_gmt":"2025-05-30T07:49:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kedisa.gr\/an-anatomy-of-yemens-houthis\/"},"modified":"2026-01-21T22:32:20","modified_gmt":"2026-01-21T22:32:20","slug":"an-anatomy-of-yemens-houthis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kedisa.gr\/en\/an-anatomy-of-yemens-houthis\/","title":{"rendered":"An Anatomy of Yemen’s Houthis"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Francesco Mereu, Analyst KEDISA<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n

The decade-long civil war in Yemen has seen the emergence of the Houthis as one of the most powerful actors in the country and a pivotal force in the region with great power projection capabilities. The group, officially known as the Ansar Allah movement, captured Yemen\u2019s capital Sanaa in 2014, after a prolonged conflict with the country\u2019s Republican regime that started in 2004 amid President Saleh’s violent targeting of protesters affiliated with the group (Al Jazeera, 2015).<\/p>\n

Over the course of the past year, the armed militia has made the headlines several times for their attacks on cargo vessels crossing the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, a critical passage for international trade. As the Houthi spokesperson states, the attacks are motivated by support for the Palestinian cause and an intent to inflict damage on the United States and Israel as a form of retaliation. These actions created considerable disruption to international commerce, prompting a military response from two consecutive US administrations, Biden\u2019s first and Trump\u2019s later. Since taking office, President Trump has adopted a more confrontational policy than his predecessor, scaling up the use of air-strikes and threatening to expand the campaign against Iran for its role in backing the Houthis. Although the ties between Tehran and Ansar Allah are well documented, the posture of the Trump administration is underpinned by a conception of the Houthis-Iran relations entirely in proxy-patron terms.<\/p>\n

This framing not only misses the nuance of a much more complex dynamic between the two entities, but results in a total conflation of the Iran and Yemen dossiers, as pointed out by ISPI analyst Eleonora Ardemagni (ISPI, 2025). While Iran has been supplying the Houthis with offensive and defensive weaponry, intelligence material, and\u00a0 financial support (UnHerd, Ostovar, 2025), one should not overlook the transactional nature of these exchanges and the different set of interests motivating the Islamic Republic and the Yemeni rebels, despite some overlap. This article delves into the Houthis\u2019 ideology and mobilisational strategy, demonstrating that the group exercises independent agency and defines its own political agenda, both in the realm of foreign and domestic policy.<\/p>\n

Houthis\u2019 ideology and goals<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>The dominant narrative portraying the Houthis as an Iranian proxy in the Arabian Peninsula has been shaped by various intersecting geopolitical dynamics. Firstly, as Maria-Louise Clausen notes (2015), Saudi Arabia had a vested interest in overplaying the Houthis\u2019 link to the Iranian regime to legitimise its military intervention in Yemen beginning in March 2015. By intervening in the Yemen civil war, the Saudis aimed to regionalise the conflict, gaining the upper hand in their broader rivalry with Iran. Furthermore, collocating the Houthis in the so-called \u201cAxis of Evil\u201d, namely the coalition of state and non-state actors led by the Islamic Republic against the West, served to exacerbate sectarian competition in the region. Saudi Arabia conveniently exploited the Houthis\u2019 identification with Shiism to back its claim of the existence of a \u201cShia crescent\u201d. This term was first used by King Abdullah the II of Jordan to characterise the Shia communities living in Arab countries as an Iranian fifth column and accusing them of undermining the region\u2019s stability. The Saudis advanced this narrative with a twofold purpose, namely to securitise the Shia minority living within their own borders and to portray Iran as a rogue and destabilising element. In a similar way, the US\u2019 weaponisation of the same discourse has helped justify the Yemeni campaign, despite its association with widespread civilian casualties.<\/p>\n

One consequence of this trend has been the emphasis placed on the shared Shia identity between the Houthis and Iran. However, closer scrutiny of the group\u2019s doctrine reveals both commonalities and divergences from Tehran\u2019s official ideology. The perspective that there is ideological overlapping due to affiliation to Shiism ignores the fact that Twelver Shiism, the Islamic Republic\u2019s official religion, and Zaydi Shiism, professed and practised by the Houthis\u2019, differ considerably in terms of theology, jurisprudence, and political thought. While Twelver Shias believe that the ruler should be a religious scholar, Zaydis uphold the institution of the imamate. The imam office, according to tradition, must be held by a direct descendent of the Prophet, therefore a person of Arabic descent, who enjoys great popularity among the community of believers (Haykel, 2022). This contrasts with the Iranian constitution, which, at least officially, elevates clerical credentials over lineage and ethnicity, designating its Supreme Leader as the official guide of the Islamic world. The fundamental implication of these differences is that, unlike Hezbollah, the Houthis do not recognise Iran’s Supreme Leader as the highest authority in terms of religious and political matters. Thus, from an ideological point of view, the Houthi-Iran alliance is not one of direct influence, as often portrayed in Western media.<\/p>\n

Moreover, the Houthis have reinterpreted traditional Zayidism, deviating from its canonical teachings to construct an ideology that draws heavily from other doctrines, such as Khomeinisim, the work of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the writings of al-Qaeda ideologues (Ibid). The Malazim, <\/em>Ansar Allah\u2019s doctrinal text and a collection of the ideas of the group\u2019s founder, Badr al-Din al-Houthi, contains an incoherent assemblage of ideologies. Among these, a third-worldist and anti-colonial outlook, with clear Khomeist influences, stands out for its denunciation of American and Israeli encroachment in the Middle East. This worldview informs the movement foreign policy, which resembles that of Iran for its aims of liberating the region from Western imperialism. The anti-western sentiment uniting Tehran and the Houthis shapes their perception of common adversaries, and, by extension, of common goals, but not without limitations. While Iran\u2019s harsh rhetoric against the United States is motivated by the country\u2019s hegemonic regional aims, the Houtis\u2019 adoption of an anti-western posture is largely\u00a0 determined by the group\u2019s intent to consolidate its power in the domestic arena.<\/p>\n

As Jonah Carlson noted (2024), \u201c\u200b\u200bthe extent of this overlap in adversaries [between the Houthis and Iran], combined with the military support received, appears to have heavily contributed to the perception of Ansar Allah as an Iranian proxy, especially among Western news sources\u201d. This interpretation, however, is analytically unfruitful in that it overshadows what Ardemagni defines \u201cthe centrality of the local power struggle in the group\u2019s political agenda\u201d (ISPI, 2023). As Alexander Weissenburg highlighted (2024), the Houthis\u2019 bid to cement their rule in Yemen has gone through a discursive appropriation of the crucial moments of the country\u2019s history, framing their seizure of power as the successful outcome of the people\u2019s resistance against foreign encroachment. This process underscores the group\u2019s efforts to build soft power and its entanglement in local political dynamics. Moreover, the Houthi\u2019s use of historical narratives and claimed ownership of the country\u2019s culture gives the extent of the movement\u2019s agency in defining its goals independently from Tehran.<\/p>\n

Conclusions<\/strong><\/p>\n

A close scrutiny of the Houthis\u2019 doctrine suggests that there are a number of differences between the Ansar Allah\u2019s movement and the Islamic Republic\u2019s official ideology. These, in turn, reveal the absence of a shared framework that would indicate the group\u2019s alignment with Iran. Contrary to the official position of Hezbollah, the Houthis do not view the Iranian Supreme Guard of the Revolution as their spiritual leader, thereby following his directives out of political calculations. While there is significant overlap on views around the US as an imperial force in the region and on support for the Palestinian cause, the reasons for endorsing these ideas are entirely different. Iran aims to capitalise on its anti-imperial posture to increase its influence throughout the region, particularly in a time where Arab leaders are perceived as subservient to America. Instead, the Houthis\u2019 foreign policy actions, such as their operations in the Red Sea, are a reflection of their overarching aim to craft a narrative that legitimises their rule at home. By portraying their actions as the pinnacle of the movement\u2019s commitment to free Yemen, and the entire Middle East, from foreign invaders, Ansar Allah seeks to create a \u201crally around the flag\u201d momentum. This is what the group desperately needs in the face of a population that resents the Houthis\u2019 repressive rule.<\/p>\n

The role played by Iran in helping the Houthis maintain their position of power is undeniable, as it is their provision of military equipment and training, such as UAVs, that turned the tide in their struggle against America (Spencer, 2022). Yet, it is important to recognise the material and political motives behind this support, which point to the existence of a marriage of convenience. Understanding this distinction is as crucial for analysts as it is for policymakers, as treating Iran and the Houthi movement as separate entities\u2014each with its own worldview, goals, and discourses\u2014adds necessary complexity to the development of effective strategies.<\/p>\n

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References<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Al Jazeera. \u201cWho Are the Houthis? A Simple Guide to the Yemeni Group.\u201d Al Jazeera, January 12, 2024. https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2024\/1\/12\/who-are-yemens-houthis-a-basic-guide<\/a>.
\nArdemagni, Eleonora. \u201cYemen: Why Trump\u2019s Strikes Against the Houthis Differ from Biden Ones.\u201d ISPI, March 17, 2025. https:\/\/www.ispionline.it\/en\/publication\/yemen-why-trumps-strikes-against-the-houthis-differ-from-biden-ones-203054<\/a>.
\nClausen, Maria-Louise. \u201cMore than a Proxy\u2014The Huthis as a Non-State Actor with a Foreign Policy?\u201d In The Huthi Movement in Yemen: Ideology, Ambition and Security in the Arab Gulf, edited by Abdullah Hamidaddin, 274\u2013278. London: I.B. Tauris, 2022. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.5040\/9780755644292<\/a>.
\nCarlson, Jonah. \u201cHouthi Motivations Driving the Red Sea Crisis: Understanding How Ansar Allah\u2019s Strategic Culture Goes beyond Gaza and Iran.\u201d Journal of Advanced Military Studies 15, no. 2 (Fall 2024): 94\u2013114. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.21140\/mcuj.20241502006<\/a>.
\nHaykel, Bernard. \u201cThe Huthi Movement\u2019s Religious and Political Ideology and Its Relationship to Zaydism in Yemen.\u201d In The Huthi Movement in Yemen: Ideology, Ambition and Security in the Arab Gulf, edited by Abdullah Hamidaddin, 18\u201323. London: I.B. Tauris, 2022. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.5040\/9780755644292<\/a>.
\nOstovar, Afshon. “Iran Is Rethinking Its Houthi Strategy.” UnHerd, April 6, 2025. https:\/\/unherd.com\/newsroom\/iran-is-rethinking-its-houthi-strategy\/<\/a>.
\nSpencer, James. \u201cHybrid Warfare\u2014Lessons from the Saudi-Led Coalition\u2019s Intervention in Yemen 2015\u2013202?\u201d In The Huthi Movement in Yemen: Ideology, Ambition and Security in the Arab Gulf, edited by Abdullah Hamidaddin, 236\u2013244. London: I.B. Tauris, 2022. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.5040\/9780755644292<\/a>.
\nWeissenburger, Alexander. \u201cThe \u2018Soft War\u2019 and the Past: The Huthi Movement\u2019s Use of Historical Narratives as Source of Legitimacy.\u201d In The Huthi Movement in Yemen: Ideology, Ambition and Security in the Arab Gulf, edited by Abdullah Hamidaddin, 58\u201359. London: I.B. Tauris, 2022. Bloomsbury Collections. Accessed April 8, 2025. http:\/\/dx.doi.org\/10.5040\/9780755644292<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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